Adventures

Preintroduction introduction: This project has basically been ruling my life for the last 9 months. It isn't really the kind of piece that I would traditionally blog... but many respondents to my survey, friends, and family expressed a desire to see what I've been obsessing over/working on for the last 9 months so here you are. I'm really really happy to be done with college (I'm hoping there will be a little more time for poetry now). Please leave comments or questions, and good luck getting through this 16 page behemoth. Cheerio, Hannah.

Abstract

In this autoethnographic study I will explore the diverse views about female priesthood ordination within the LDS community. I also will discuss the role of the internet in initiating changes within the church. Currently in the Mormon community there has been a great deal of discussion about the role of women in the church, particularly regarding priesthood ordination and access to leadership positions. In this research I surveyed 150 church members and asked them a variety of questions about their views concerning the role of women, the processes of change within the church, and their participation in online discussions of this topic. I compounded my interviews with discourse analysis of several Mormon blogs and library research. I found that changes within the church and opinions about female ordination are influenced by the online discussions that take place on blogs. The changes evident in Mormon culture regarding women’s roles are reflective of the changing position of women within a broader social context.

Introduction

I recently learned that I am most persuaded by the post-modernist model of anthropology. As a post-modern anthropologist, I am going to be forthright about my biases. I am a Mormon[i]. On February 20^th of this year I received letter from the president of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints calling me to serve a mission in Dallas, Texas. I am going to spend the next 18 months of my life teaching people about Jesus and inviting them to be baptized in the Mormon Church. The second bias I will confess is that I am a woman, and a feminist. I believe that women are equally as intelligent as men, and equally as important in our society. I believe that we absolutely deserve equal pay for equal work, equal representation in politics, on television, and perfect equality in the home and family. In this paper I will discuss the role of the internet in initiating changes in the Mormon Church, particularly focusing on changes regarding the role of women.

Lately there have been several public demonstrations in Salt Lake City by a group known as, “Ordain Women.” Part of the organization’s mission statement reads:

We are committed to work for equality and the ordination of Mormon women to the priesthood. Based on the principle of thoughtful, faith-affirming strategic action, Ordain Women aspires to create a space for Mormon women to articulate issues of gender inequality they may be hesitant to raise alone. As a group we intend to put ourselves in the public eye and call attention to the need for the ordination of Mormon women to the priesthood. (“Mission Statement”)

This mission statement brings up several elements which I will be discussing in this paper: the relationship between Mormon women and priesthood power, the complexity of gender identity in Mormonism, and how the internet is providing a place for people to discuss topics and concerns that they may not feel comfortable bringing up within their real world communities.

Although Mormon women in general feel respected and secure in their roles in the church there are differing views evident in the blogosphere particularly in regards to access to the priesthood and leadership opportunities in the church.

Priesthood

A book called True to the Faith published by the LDS church provides a brief description of the priesthood. As a lifelong church member, I feel that this description aptly describes the way most LDS members understand it:

God gives priesthood authority to worthy male members of the Church so they can act in His name for the salvation of His children. Priesthood holders can be authorized to preach the gospel, administer the ordinances of salvation, and govern the kingdom of God on the earth (Priesthood 128).

There are several things worth noting in this statement. First, that priesthood authority is given by God to all worthy male members. It is conferred from one man to another, but ultimately, it comes from God. Second, the priesthood gives men the authority to preach the gospel, administer ordinances like baptism and the sacrament, and “govern the kingdom of God on earth.” I would suggest that “governing the kingdom of God” means that all those in governing positions in the Mormon Church hold the priesthood. The prophet or president of the church holds all the keys or powers of the priesthood. Each bishop holds priesthood keys specific to his position, as do the awkward twelve-year -old boys who pass around the trays of bread and water for the sacrament.

The Rights and Rites of the Priesthood

Since its organization in New York state in 1830 the church has been governed by priestly authority. However, the availability of the priesthood to all worthy males, and some of the responsibilities associated with holding the priesthood, has not been so consistent. In the early church, black men were able to receive the priesthood and participate in temple ordinances. Joseph Smith, the first president of the LDS church, openly condemned slavery and racism (White and White 1995:297). In 1852, President Brigham Young revoked those rights, instituting the “Priesthood Ban” (Ibid). A recent statement published by the church entitled, “Race and the Priesthood” addresses this change, claiming that the ban was a result of the church’s establishment in an environment of racism, and the racist inclinations of church members and leadership, not direction from God (“Race and the Priesthood”). In 1978, then president of the church, Spencer W. Kimball, concerned about the status of African Americans in the church, went to the temple and received a revelation that the priesthood ban should be lifted. All at once, black males could also receive the priesthood and attend the temple. Within the next ten years between 100,000 and 125,000 people of African descent joined the church (White and White 1995: 274).

The relationship between women and the priesthood has also seen some changes between the time the church was founded and the present. Although Mormon women never officially held the priesthood, in the early church they were directed and ordained to perform blessings on the sick, a rite that today is only performed by priesthood holders (Newel 1999:31). In her article published in Sunstone magazine, “A Gift Given: A Gift Taken: washing, anointing, and healing of the sick among Mormon women,” Linda King Newell (1999) discusses the role of women as healers in the early church and how their authority changed as priesthood duties became more clearly defined. Newell provides considerable historical evidence for the argument that LDS women in the late 1800’s frequently administered blessings on the sick, especially to women who were about to give birth (Newell 1999:33) . Included in her article are official statements by presidents of the church and other area authorities regarding a woman’s right to administer to her family and to other women in need. Many of those statements make it clear that those women who heal do so by the authority they are awarded as faithful church members, not as priesthood holders (Newell 1999: 32). In the early 1900’s, women in leadership positions in the Relief Society, the church's organization for women that I will address in detail later in this paper, began to question the propriety of performing blessings on the sick without priesthood supervision. According to Newell, gradually “an emerging definition of priesthood authority, and an increased emphasis on its importance, would remove more and more spiritual responsibilities from women and cluster them to the priesthood. (Newell 1999:36)” By the mid-1920’s, women had stopped blessing the sick altogether. The practice of women blessing the sick was not taken away or given in a moment; it was gradually lost as the definition and significance of the priesthood changed.

Changes in Culture and Gender Roles

This change occurred in concurrence with changing expectations for women in Mormon culture. In her article, “Evolution of Ideals for Mormon Women in Periodicals, 1897-1999,” Laura Vance conducts an analysis of women’s roles as they were discussed in Mormon periodicals over a 98-year span. Vance discovered that in the late 1800’s and early 1900’s every article she analyzed that contained references to the role of women involved their participation in non-traditional roles. She describes non-traditional as not having to do with homemaking or child rearing (Vance 1999:98). In the 1920’s, that changed. Suddenly, traditional roles were encouraged in those same periodicals. In the 1970’s the emphasis on women’s fulfillment of traditional roles intensified and peaked. Since then, a middle ground has been found. Vance attributes those changes to the status of the LDS church as a developing religious organization. She argues that there are phases of development that drive emerging religious organizations away from the mainstream culture at their inception. Once they obtain a following, new churches move into a phase of assimilation to gain recognition and acceptance within the larger culture (Vance 1999: 98-104). That these changes occurred when they did, at a time when the gender role of women was being discussed as part of the women’s liberation movement, further indicates that the church makes changes in reaction to what is happening within the broader culture. In this case, it was a conservative reaction, while in the early church it was decidedly liberal.

Amy Hoyt and Sara Patterson conducted research similar to Vance’s analysis. They looked at the changes that took place for men in periodicals from 1890-1920. They argue that the concept of Mormon masculinity held currently within the church has largely been shaped by the need to differentiate from and conform to external factors in US culture; it is a product of the church’s attempts to both assimilate and remain distinct (Hoyt and Patterson 2011). Just as it was for women, the changing expectations for Men were largely influenced by events and attitudes that were not specifically a part of Mormon culture, but part of the US culture that the church was developing in at that time.

The Mormon Woman

The role of modern Mormon women at church and in the home is far from simple, as I have described above it is a mix of rejection and adherence to social norms, but it also includes spiritual beliefs about the importance of the family, and the role of women as nurturers, caregivers, leaders and the spiritual offspring of God.

Feminist critics of Mormonism have often argued that the patriarchal organization of the church puts women in a position where they are subordinate and viewed as inferior. But this position is not completely shared by Mormon women. In her article, “Beyond the Victim/Empowerment Paradigm: the Gendered Cosmology of Mormon Women,” Amy Hoyt (2007) discusses the gap between feminists and the way that many Mormon women perceive their own situation. She claims that within the Mormon cosmology there are doctrines that emphasize the divine nature of womanhood, and that a woman’s role is equally important (for success in this life and the next) to a man’s. The concept that both sexes are equally valued is congruent with feminist ideals. Yet, Hoyt argues that when feminist scholars critique Mormonism, they often get hung up on the patriarchy of the church and the victimization of women being denied equal access to leadership positions. This sets them up to overlook the ways that women are empowered even as they fulfill traditional domestic roles. Similarly, Mormon women often reject feminism because it is packaged as a rejection of domestic roles (Hoyt 2007:90-93). Hoyt’s discussion of feminism and Mormonism is complemented by an article written by journalist Peggy Stack published in the Wilson Quarterly in 1991. Stack also addresses the paradoxical position of Mormon women. As a Mormon herself, Stack discusses her personal struggles with identifying herself as a feminist within the church. She says, “How ironic all this is: It is precisely my Mormon desire to reform the world into a "kingdom" that makes me chafe at the typical Mormon view of women; it is my Mormon optimism that makes me believe that change, even heroic change, is possible. Indeed, it is my Mormonness that makes me a feminist and makes it hurt to be one” (Stack 1991: 2).

There are several ways that I have noticed this dissonance between Mormonism and feminism in my own life. Women in the church are urged by church leadership to get as much education as possible and acquire the skills to be providers should the need present itself. At the same time, women are encouraged to take on traditional domestic roles. In the most recent General Conference of the church, Elder D. Todd Christofferson said in his talk, “The Moral Force of Women:”

We do not diminish the value of what women or men achieve in any worthy endeavor or career—we all benefit from those achievements—but we still recognize there is not a higher good than motherhood and fatherhood in marriage. There is no superior career, and no amount of money, authority, or public acclaim can exceed the ultimate rewards of family. Whatever else a woman may accomplish, her moral influence is no more optimally employed than here (Christofferson 2013).

My personal pursuit of a career in anthropology is influenced by the idea that I might eventually abandon it to pursue a career in motherhood. A friend of mine frequently jokes about this paradox. Whenever someone in our circle of young Mormon lady friends does something that might identify them as a homemaker (this includes any kind of cooking, sewing, crafting, or childcare skills) she says, “You’ll make such a great wife someday!” It is a compliment slightly backhanded in nature, but if that backhandedness is acknowledged, the victim is denying the importance of motherhood. This trap she lays describes the situation that women are frequently confronted with in the church, and in society at large.

An important element of the religious life of Mormon women is the Relief Society. The Relief Society was organized in 1842 by a group of Mormon women who wanted a more official kind of participation in church affairs. Joseph Smith’s wife, Emma, was the organization’s first president. The society was organized by Joseph Smith after several of the women of the church proposed that “the sisters organize to help the needy and distressed” (Jerry and Jerry 1981:34).

At first, membership in the organization was exclusive (“Daughters in my Kingdom” Ch.2), but at present, every woman over 18 that is a baptized member of the church is automatically invited into the Relief Society. No men are members of the Relief Society. If you walked into a relief society meeting this Sunday wherever you are in the world, a woman would conduct the meeting, teach the lesson, and probably hug you on the way out the door. In historical accounts of the early relief society meetings, Emma Smith and her counselors[ii] were “set apart” or ordained to preside over the women in the organization (“Daughters in my Kingdom” Ch.2). In one of the first meetings, Joseph Smith, the president of the church, said, “This society is to get instruction through the order which God has established—through the medium of those appointed to lead—and now I turn the key to you in the name of God” (“Daughters in my Kingdom”). Here women are directly and clearly given authority to preside over other women. Similarly, in the present- day organization of the church, women preside over the Young Women’s organization and the children’s programs. Although the Bishop oversees all of these branches, not one of them is ever headed by a man. At the same time, it is in the Relief Society where the importance of the traditional roles of wife and mother are most emphasized.

Growing up as a Mormon I have always been somewhat familiar with the priesthood, the purpose and establishment of the relief society, and what is expected of me as a woman. I have on several occasions found myself at a point of questioning whether or not I would be happy fulfilling those expectations. I feel that my disposition lends itself to the nurturing, serving, family-oriented, Mormon woman that I am supposed to be, but the picture of a house in some Salt Lake suburb, the doting husband with a practical 9-5, and the casserole in the oven that culturally accompanies those traits absolutely fills me with dread. Several years ago when I was fully submersed in that dread, I wandered onto the internet in search of company. A friend of mine had posted a link to a blog she had written for called modermormonmen.com on her Facebook page. The title of her post and the domain name of the blog intrigued me, so I clicked the link and read several posts. What I discovered was a community of people whose ideas were very similar to mine. Many of the bloggers had deeply rooted faith, but they questioned many cultural aspects of church life, and discussed the church’s relationship to social issues like gay marriage and gender inequality in very thoughtful and educated way. This was something I wasn’t finding in my real life, so it was refreshing and exciting to me. After several years of reading modernmormonmen.com and other liberal Mormon blogs, I noticed that the topic of gender inequality in the church was coming up more and more. Curious about whether or not conversations about gender inequality were happening outside of the internet, how many people were participating in the online conversation, and how opinions about female ordination varied, I decided to pursue this research.

Methods

In my research I combined internet surveys with discourse analysis of Mormon blogs. I decided to take a qualitative approach to this research because I felt that qualitative questionnaires, evaluations, and surveys would be the most effective tool to elicit people’s feelings, opinions, and behaviors connected to this topic.

My methods for carrying out this project were quite simple. I created a survey consisting of 17 questions that were mostly directly asked about opinions and behaviors, with some demographic questions for context. The full survey is included in appendix A. I posted the survey on my personal Facebook page. I requested that only people over 18 years of age participate in the survey and, in my introduction, I identified Mormons as my target group. I invited anyone who felt so inclined to share the survey with their friends or anyone who they thought might find it interesting. I also contacted an administrator on youngmormonfeminist.com who posted the survey on youngmormonfeminists.com for a short time. When I reached 150 responses, I closed the survey.

In addition to the survey, I conducted discourse analysis of six Mormon blogs. These blogs were named by respondents to my survey as blogs they frequently checked. In this analysis I looked at the first seven blog posts that came up when I entered the word, “priesthood” in the search bar. A full list of the blogs I examined, as well as demographic information about my respondents, can be found in appendix A.

Anthropological Framework

As I developed my methods and plan for carrying out this research, I reflected on some of the anthropology that I found most persuasive and interesting. I borrowed several elements from Zora Neale Hurston’s anthropological method as discussed in Ruth Behar and Deborah Gordon’s volume “Women Writing Culture. Behar and Gordon’s exploration of anthropological history by women and about women is what first piqued my interest in feminist anthropology, but Hurston’s autoethnographical approach specifically appealed to me. Hurston began her anthropological career by studying her own people, and using anthropological frameworks and methods produced readable and approachable work. She also emphasized the importance of self-reflexivity, and the inclusion of the anthropologist in the write-up of the research. These are all things I hoped to achieve in this study (Hernandez 1995: 151).

I also drew on Renato Rosaldo’s post-modernist anthropological framework. In his version of anthropology, Rosaldo suggests that anthropology is a negotiation between the perceptions of the observer and the people they are observing. He also discusses the importance of empathy and experience in doing anthropological research (Rosaldo 2004: 542).

In the 2012 AAA Annual Review of Anthropology, Ruth Gomberg-Muñoz wrote an article cheekily entitled, “Public Anthropology Year in Review: Actually Rick, Florida could use a few more anthropologists” In this review, Gomberg- Muñoz argues that it is important for anthropologists to be critics and proponents of social activism. She states that, “Anthropological analysis is complex, multifaceted, and embedded in political issues. This complexity makes anthropology vital to public discourse that is increasingly directed by apparent but one-dimensional truths” (Gomberg-Muñoz 2012). My choice to study this topic was largely because I believed it was the movement about which I could most effectively study using Hurston and Rosaldo’s theories and methods.

Reading and Writing

One of the most striking things about doing this analysis was the ease with which the responses came. I opened the survey on January 27^th and by February 17^th, with one Facebook post and two emails, I had received 150 responses. This process reveals some interesting things about how Mormons communicate. Of the people I surveyed, 36% indicated that they regularly write a blog and 64% indicated that they read Mormon blogs, some as frequently as three times a day. It is worth noting that 18% of the people I surveyed wrote blogs specifically about gender issues. Other bloggers indicated that they write about their lives and families, their spiritual experiences, politics, relationships, books, etc. I do not have the data to compare Mormon blogging activities with those of people of other religious persuasions, but the fact is that Mormons are writing, and reading.

This behavior is not without a foundation in Mormon doctrine. As I mentioned previously, Mormon women (and men too) are encouraged to get as much education as possible. The belief in an all knowing God and understanding that it is our mission as humans to become like God are fundamental to our religion. That becoming like God involves both intellectual and spiritual learning is frequently emphasized in Mormon discourse. In addition, Mormons are encouraged to document their lives in journals and books of remembrance[iii]. The Book of Mormon, the book most central to Mormon doctrine, was written on the premise that it is crucial to document personal and group histories. In the book of Mormon, Mosiah 1:3 states:

And he also taught them concerning the records which were engraven on the plates of brass, saying: My sons, I would that ye should remember that were it not for these plates, which contain these records and these commandments, we must have suffered in ignorance, even at this present time, not knowing the mysteries of God (The Book of Mormon).

The Mormon cultural emphasis on reading and writing is therefore scripturally based and deeply engrained.

In recent years, the emphasis to journal and record has been expanded to include posting on Facebook and blogging. These additions have been part of an increased emphasis on missionary work. In a recent General Conference address, Apostle Neal A. Anderson stated, “For those using the Internet and mobile phones, there are new ways to invite others to “come and see.” Let’s make sharing our faith online more a part of our daily life. LDS.org, Mormon.org, Facebook, Twitter—all provide opportunities” (Anderson 2013).

The church is encouraging its members to participate in online activities and communicate their religion using tools the internet provides. Mormons are heeding their call.

What we talk about when we talk about women and the priesthood

The responses I received from my survey were almost equally in favor and against female ordination to the priesthood. I don’t believe that church members are equally divided on this issue. I specifically sought out the opinions of people who were participating in the Ordain Women (by having my survey posted on youngmormonfeminist.com, which is, I believe, why I obtained an almost equal amount of responses for both those in-favor and those against. It was important to me that both sides be represented in my survey.

The arguments in favor of female ordination were quite diverse. Some brought up the church history that I discussed earlier in the paper; others claimed that biblically women held the priesthood, citing references to Anna the prophetess in the book of Luke and Deborah in the book of Judges. Many of the respondents stated that they felt female ordination was the only way to rectify the sexism that exists in Mormon culture. Many expressed that they had experienced sexist treatment and felt, as one respondent stated, “Like second class citizens in the Kingdom of God.”

In response to the question, “As a man or a woman, does your role at church differ from your role at home? How?”, almost all of the people who argued in favor of priesthood ordination felt that their roles at home and at church were significantly different from one another. Many women said that they felt that they were equal to their spouses at home, having the same amount (or more) of administrative authority. One respondent said, “At home I don’t defer to anybody. I make decisions according to my conscience. I discuss ideas with my husband, of course, but his views are no more important than mine. At church I defer, constantly.” This statement is representative of dozens more that I received in my survey. Even some of the male respondents indicated that they were uncomfortable with having more administrative power at church, when they work in equal partnerships with women in other areas of their lives.

The complementarity of female and male roles was the most common theme in the responses I received that were not in favor of female ordination. One respondent’s answer I feel adequately represents the argument. She said in response to the question, “Do you think that priesthood ordination should be available to women?”

No I do not think that they should. I believe that men and women have different roles in this life. Because they are not exactly the same does not make one more important than the other. In fact, I believe that the differences make us able to have stronger relationships. The men’s role in our religion is to hold the priesthood. It is a sacred and important responsibility. Women are called to hold the noble position of being able to create life. Together they go hand in hand, side by side, one not being a greater calling than the other and together making each other better.

Many women who answered my survey expressed that they were satisfied and fulfilled by their roles as wives and mothers. Some indicated that they appreciated that men could exclusively hold the priesthood because it was simply, “one less thing they have to do.” Some felt that allowing women equal access to the priesthood would diminish the importance of men and that, “a man’s role is becoming culturally insignificant.” Many also said that they felt the priesthood should not be available to women simply because it has not yet been revealed [iv]to church leadership that it should be.

We agree

Regardless of whether respondents were in favor of or against female ordination there were a few things upon which everyone agreed. Almost all the respondents, save only three or four, agreed that change was good for the church. Most respondents acknowledged that the church has made changes to policies in the past that have helped its membership move past racism and sexism. They also indicated that having a belief in continuing revelation, which is one of the foundational beliefs of Mormonism, means that things are always going to be changing. Along those same lines was the thread that as humans and human culture are always changing, our organizations and cultural practices must change as well.

Another thing that both sides had in common was the value of discussion. A full 89% of the respondents indicated that they had discussed the issue of female ordination with their friends and family.

On the blogs

The blog posts about ordaining women that I analyzed in my study were written using the same language and arguments as the responses that I received in favor of priesthood ordination for women. Some of the people I surveyed were authors of the blogs, but considerably more were subscribers who read them regularly. I would suggest that these blogs are contributing to the discussion of Mormon feminism by helping people articulate their feelings and concerns about sexism in the church. Many of the bloggers and blog subscribers that I surveyed said that they started getting involved in online Mormon feminism because they were frustrated by the sexism they were experiencing in church settings. Some felt that blogging and reading blogs was a way of taking action against sexism, and others said that they used blogging, and participating in online discussions as a way to cope.

Changes are happening

There have recently been some changes to church policies that have to do with gender. In the past, women who desired to serve missions for the church had to wait until they were 21 years old, while young men who wished to go could leave at age 19. In October of 2012, the president of the church, Thomas S. Monson, announced that women would be able to go on missions at 19 and men at 18. According to a New York Times article, shortly after the age change, 23,000 young women signed up to serve missions, tripling the number of female missions before the age change (Kantor and Goldstein 2014). I will not go into depth about the implications of this increase, but it is clear that many Mormon women, and not only those openly requesting more responsibility by petitioning for the priesthood, are looking for more. They are looking for more opportunities for leadership and service, and more authority to contribute to the governance and welfare of the church.

In small ways (like changing the mission age) the church is reacting in response to changes in the larger society. As incongruities between balances of power at home and church settings become more obvious, so will the aspects of church culture and policy that limit the contributions women make to the organization. Does this mean that Mormon women will be ordained? Maybe, and maybe not. There have not been any quantitative studies regarding opinions about female ordination within church membership. With 15,000,000 members scattered all over the world, such an endeavor would be difficult. There are clearly a range of strong and deeply heartfelt opinions about the matter. Any sudden and large overarching changes to church policy regarding the priesthood would likely cause disjunction among the membership and could potentially lead to problems with cohesion within the church. While some Mormon feminists argue that small changes like the age change and more power being given to the wives of mission presidents, etc. are tools used by church leadership to satiate and quiet those who are calling for more dramatic changes, I would argue that minute changes are stepping stones on the way to something bigger. As it has in the past, the church will continue to shift until it reaches a balance between rejection of larger cultural norms and assimilation to current social realities.

Blogging is a part of that shift. As LDS women voice their concerns about sexism and their desires for more responsibility, the less-than-equal practices that are part of Mormon culture are brought to light and questioned. Men and women, regardless of their opinions on priesthood ordination, are thinking about and discussing equality with their spouses and their children. People concerned about gender inequality are gathering together on the internet to encourage, console, inform, and complain to each other. Whether or not changes occur overnight or women ever get the priesthood, the topic of gender equality is being dug out from the back of the closet, dusted off, and displayed. How will it be tailored? I’m not sure, but we’re all watching.

When I started doing this research, I was a little bit afraid to look at my own culture anthropologically. As I have sent around and posted surveys, I am sure that some members of my very personal Mormon community have questioned whether or not I should be asking these questions; perhaps they have been concerned for my spiritual welfare. There have been moments where I have not wanted to read angry feminist blog posts about how blinded I am by my religion and how repressed I am by men, but there have also been moments when I have been touched and inspired by survey responses from both sides of the argument. If anyone outside of Mormon culture had done this research, I would have been offended that someone was trying to reduce my culture and part of my identity into social theory. I would be suspicious that they did not comprehend the spiritual nature of any discussion or change within the church. [v]

Conclusions

Recent changes in church policy are occurring in response to changes happening within the broader culture. Gender equality in the home is one aspect of that broader culture that is causing women to notice and question their power and influence outside of the home. The internet is providing a space for discussions about these changes and questions, and initiating conversations within homes and among the church leadership that makes policy changes. It also serves to connect like-minded individuals who may be geographically distant. Although Mormon women are divided on the issue of female ordination, all are benefitting from the conversations that are happening online.

Anthropologists should pay attention to what’s happening in our own cultures. Especially looking at social activism as a way to see what changes are or should happening more broadly. This study is one example of how activism within a group sheds light on the overall position of the group.

As the issue of female ordination continues to develop, there will be more questions to ask, and more changes to analyze. I will be on a mission, in Dallas, TX, and will be unavailable to comment for the next 18 months. But if you are interested in further exploring Mormon ethnography, check a blog.

Acknowledgements

Special thanks to Dr. Kathy Fine for being my primary reader, PI and guiding me in this research, and Dr. Kelly Jenks for her comments and help. Thanks to Baley Springmeyer for support in all things and camping. Thanks to Ashley Kuchar who helped me overcome my qualms about studying my own people. Thanks goes to my Mom for helping me thesisize and for conversing with my for many hours about this topic. Finally, I would like to thank everyone who filled out my survey and Heather from youngmormonfeminists.org for posting it on her blog.

References Cited

Anderson, Neil L.

2013 Power in the Priesthood. http://www.lds.org/general-conference/2013/10/power-in-the-priesthood?lang=eng

The Book of Mormon

2013. Mosiah 1:3. Online version. https://www.lds.org/scriptures/bofm/mosiah/1?lang=eng.

Christofferson, D. Todd.

2013 The Moral Force of Women. Ensign Magazine 11/2013. http://www.lds.org/general-conference/2013/10/the-moral-force-of-women?lang=eng

Daughters in my Kingdom

2011. Daughters in my kingdom: The history and work of Relief Society. The church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints. https://www.lds.org/relief-society/daughters-in-my-kingdom?lang=eng. Chapters 1 and 2. (Official church publication, no authors credited)

Hernandez, Graciela

2005 Multiple Subjectivities and Strategic Positionality: Zora Neale Hurston’s Experimental Ehthnographies in Women Writing Culture. Pg. 139-165. University of California Press.

Hoyt, Amy

2007 Beyond the Victim/Empowerment Paradigm: The Gendered Cosmology of Mormon Women. Feminist Theology: The Journal of the Britain & Ireland School of Feminist Theology, 16(1), 89-100

Hoyt, Amy, and Patterson, Sara M.

2011 Mormon Masculinity: Changing Gender Expectations in the Era of Transition from Polygamy to Monogamy, 1890-1920.

Terry, Ann , and Terry, Keith

1981. Eliza. Butterfly Publishing Inc. USA. Pg. 11-18.

Mission Statement

2014. Ordianwomen.org mission statement. http://ordainwomen.org/mission/

Newell, Linda K.

1999. A Gift Given: A Gift Taken: Washing, Anointing and Blessing the Sick Among Mormon Women. Sunstone 22: 30-43

Preisthood

2014. True to the Faith. Online edition. https://www.lds.org/manual/true-to-the-faith?lang=eng. Pg. 128

Race and the priesthood.

2014. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Online.

https://www.lds.org/topics/race-and-the-priesthood

Rosaldo, Renato

2008 Grief and A Head Hunters Rage. In Anthropological Theory 4th Ed. Pg. 537-551. McGraw Hill.

Stack, Peggy F.

1991. Mormonism and feminism? Wilson Quarterly, 15(2), 30.

Vance, Laura

2002 Evolution of Ideals for Women in Mormon Periodicals, 1897-1999. Sociology of Religion (63):1 pg. 91-112.

White, O. Kendall Jr. White, Daryl

1995 Integrating religious and racial identities: Analysis of LDS African American explanations of the priesthood ban. Review of Religious Research, 36:(3)pg. 295-311.

Appendix A

Survey:

Hello. My name is Hannah Watts and I am a senior anthropology major at Fort Lewis College. I am conducting an undergraduate anthropology senior seminar research project focused on the conversations surrounding whether or not women should be ordained into the LDS priesthood. Because you have been identified as someone who is interested in or may know something about this topic, I am asking if you would be willing to answer a few survey questions. Most importantly, I want to make certain that I have your informed consent should you conduct this survey.

There are some possible social risks involved in participating in this research. To minimize these risks, all information will be handled in a strictly confidential manner so that no one will be able to identify you if you request anonymity. The information I gather will be incorporated into my final senior seminar paper, into a poster, and will be presented to the campus community. It may also eventually be presented at professional conferences, other public venues, and/or in scholarly publications. If you wish to read my final research paper and/or to attend my oral presentation (which will take place in mid to late April, 2014) please let me know and we can make arrangements.

CONTACT INFORMATION: Please feel free to contact the project advisor, Dr. Kathleen (Kathy) Fine-Dare, 970-247-7438 (fine_k@fortlewis.edu) or student researcher, Ms. Hannah Watts, 970-201-7892 (hwatts@fortlewis.edu) if at any time you have any questions, require further information about the research, or have any concerns about the project. If you have questions or problems about your rights or any ethical considerations, please contact the FLC Institutional Review Board representative, Richard Miller, at 970-247-7426.

Note: The Colorado Governmental Immunity Act determines and may limit Fort Lewis College’s legal responsibility if an injury happens because of this study. Claims against the College must be filed within 180 days of the injury.

Participation in this research project is completely voluntary. If you choose not to participate there will be no negative effects. If you do not wish to participate you can either ignore this survey request or decline to push the “send” button at any time during the course of completing the survey. Thank you very much for your participation; your assistance is greatly appreciated.

1. Did you read and do you agree to the information above?

2. Would you like to remain anonymous?

3. What is your gender?

4. What is your age range?

5. How would you describe your church activity?

6. How long have you been a member?

7. Do you think that priesthood ordination should be available to women? Why or why not?

8. Is female ordination something you have discussed with your friends and family? (Please Explain

9. As a man or a woman, does your role at church differ from your role at home? How?

10. Do you read any Mormon Internet blogs? If yes, which ones and approximately how often?

11. If you read blogs that focus on gender issues, what do you think got you interested in this topic?

12. Do you write a blog? If yes, what do you write about?

13. Do you write blogs related to gender issues?

14. How long have you been blogging about gender issues, and what made you start?

15. Do you participate in any activities related to the topic outside of writing for the Internet? Please explain.

16. The LDS church has changed some of its membership and other policies in the past. Do you think that change is good for the church and its membership? Please explain.

17. Are there other comments you would like to make related to any of the issues I have raised in this survey?

18. Would you be open to further questions?

Respondent Demographics:

Gender: 118 Woman, 32 Man, 1 Other

Age Range: 18-25 53, 25-35 44, 35-45 26, 45-55 14, 55-65 11, 65+ 2

Church Activity: Very active 95, moderately active 27, less active 17, not attending 12

Blogs Analyzed:

bycommonconsent.com

zelophehadsdaughters.com

wheatandtares.org

feminsitmormonhousewives.org

dovesandserpents.org

modernmormonmen.com

youngmormonfeminists.org

[i] In this paper I will use LDS and Mormon interchangeably. Either reference refers to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day saints.

ii The relief society is structured the same as all auxiliaries of the church, with a president, two counselors, and a secretary.

[iii] A book of remembrance is like a journal, but may also include family history, pedigree charts, important documents etc…

[iv] Mormons believe in continuous revelation, that God is the head of the church and only under his direction are changes made.

[v] It is important for anthropologists to acknowledge the limitations of their experience and to be conscious and forthright about the relationship they have to the people they study. Outsiders can often provide perspectives that those immersed in the culture cannot see, and autoethnographers can understand concepts that are impossible for strangers to understand. As education and resources become available to more of the world’s crevices, the positions of outsider and insider are growing closer together. The superficial differences between humans are becoming less relevant, and the relationships between people and their cultures are becoming more complex. Self-anthropology is as important as ever.

Adventures

Thursday, December 6, 2018

Non-profit Burnout and How the Phoenix Rises

Wednesday, April 27, 2016

A Blog Post for Karen (partially because you are the only person that reads my blog and partially because you are the best)

Thursday, May 8, 2014

Feminists in the Bloggernacle: How the internet is changing the way Mormon women talk about themselves.